of Airbnb’s smart-pricing algorithm on the racial disparity in the daily revenue earned by Airbnb hosts. Our empirical strategy exploits Airbnb’s introduction of the algorithm and its voluntary adoption by hosts as a quasi-natural experiment. Among those who adopted the algorithm, the average nightly rate decre

ts’ increased opportunities to monitor citizens, businesses, civil servants, and services, companies are mobilizing personal data to build profitable, algorithmically based business models with profound ramifications. With companies that have rapidly become giants in this sector, such as Uber, the phenomenon is spreading to various

caste and social inequality are inextricably intertwined? In the Indian social perspective, it is the caste that produces social inequality by determining the norms of resource allocation (Mondal, 2021; Sameul, 2019). During a pandemic, this social inequality can determine who are at the worst risk, their level of preparedness, their access to information, access to basic services for survival, etc. (Elliott & Pais, 2006).

. Because the police, village councils, and government officials often support the caste system, which is based on the religious teachings of Hinduism, many crimes go unreported due to fear of reprisal, intimidation by police, inability to pay bribes demanded by police, or simply the knowledge that the police will do nothing.

It provides an analytical contribution towards the conceptualization of right-wing extremism as a global phenomenon.

Despite this newfound anti-establishment message, the BJP had historically attracted upper-caste white-collar workers, professionals, merchants and other middle- to upper-class groups by weaving an exclusionary narrative built on in-group differences:91

ith Modi’s victory, however, one cannot simply situate BJP supporters as solely upper-caste and urban-based. The BJP’s success can partly be attributed to the diversification of the party. In 2014 it reached beyond its traditional demographic to a group with rising socio-economic means in the wake of India’s neoliberal globalization: the neo-middle class. For the neo-middle class, the BJP, and Modi in particular, represent an opportunity for upward mobility through simultaneous material achievement and communal identity.9393 Ibid.; Palshikar, ‘The BJP and Hindu nationalism’, 732.View all notes This change in BJP support reflect

ticism of mainstream media as being “biased” has emerged as a defining characteristic of right-wing discourse all over the world. Such expressions are coupled with the establishment of right-wing news outlets that seek to undermine professional journalism. But while scholars have examined the operation of such outlets in the context of Western democracies, anti-media populism in the Global South has received little scholarly attention. Through a thematic analysis of articles published on OpIndia.com- a right-wing news site in India, this paper seeks to address this gap in the literature and identify the discursive strategies employed by the right-wing media to discredit the mainstream press in India.

Media often omits violence against Dalits in the name of proximity. Dalit issues are confined within the news value "proximity". The Dalit news is considered only as local news and the atrocities against Dalits find difficulty to reach other places. The coverage of Khairlanji massacre and Kalappatti violence revealed that Dalit news is often not covered if the violence takes place at a distant

his study provides an overview of the media’s role in shaping public discourse and belief through framing news stories in a biased perspective and setting an agenda that is in keeping with the interests of the corporate and institutional funders of the media apparatus.

. The ‘content analysis’ approach is utilised to search for biased content via the use of coders and decoders in some 140 randomly selected sampled links of the ‘Glenn Beck’ show during the two periods of time from 1 January 2010 to 30 June 2010, and from 1 January 2011 to 30 June 2011, each of these periods consisting of 70 sample

The research methodology was designed keeping in mind the coding and decoding of the television text. As such, the research design for the project was shaped using content analysis in mind, which became the focal point for analysing and interpreting the Glenn Beck show

Today, media outlets are known to report news in a biased way, potentially affecting the beliefs of news consumers and altering their behaviors. Therefore, tracking bias in everyday news and building a platform where people can receive neutral and unequivocal news information is important.This research investigates media outlets for subjectivity versus objectivity by examining reported news events from their Twitter handles. The study subsequently proceeds to show how such subjective news articles program news consumers and condition their opinions. Eventually, a system which aids the detection of alarming biases in media is proposed through a unique bias short-term impact score calculation mechanism.

e to a real-world event, ‘Demonetization in India’, a

This study specifically focuses on Indian media outlets, relying on Twitter datasets to represent biased reporting and proposes an approach to detect i

Many citizens consume information on government policies from the mass media. Consequently, biases existing in the policy discourse in media sources may influence citizens’ understanding of the policies, about how they may affect diverse communities. These biases may also get amplified further through social media if it simply echoes the biases of mass media content. We build methods to quantify media bias in terms of preferred treatment given to certain issues corresponding to four economic policies, and alignment observed with the ideological stance of different political parties. We also ex